Weaponry of Nationalism During the Algerian War

by Mohamed E., June 2021

“The Algerian army made me a man” – Nelson Mandela (1990) 

The Algerian War of Independence (1954-1962) emerged due to France’s harsh colonialism its people underwent. The proposition for Algerian independence arose in 1926 to preserve the ideas of North African Muslims; however, many French settlers in Algeria felt threatened by the idea of Muslims gaining power. France remained firm on colonialism, resulting in transferring thousands of troops to Algeria. As a result, France implemented torture against revolutionaries, causing the deaths of thousands of innocent civilians, increasing the Algerians’ hate for France. The National Liberation Front (FLN) represented the Algerian revolutionaries and attempted to contain the French military by attacking unprecedentedly, causing numerous deaths on both sides. Support for the French dramatically decreased, as its government constantly disagreed on the Algerian crisis, people threatened to riot, putting France on a road to potential civil war. Consequently, from 1960 to 1962, French representatives and the FLN met privately to discuss a cease-fire and guarantee Algerians political, economic, and cultural rights. After eight years of fighting, in July 1962, a referendum resulted in favor of Algerian independence, causing France to concede political power. 

Algerian Communist Party tract – Letter to Europeans in Algeria, Front, 7-10-1957, France, Algerian War of Independence, Private collection. (Photo by Photo12/UIG/Getty Images)

A primary source included is a flyer written by the Algerian Communist Party to the Europeans of Algeria, indicating that the Europeans are not their enemy, rather the colonialists. I chose this source because it was significant to see how peaceful the Algerians are, as they don’t intend to seek revenge against the people who share the same nationality as their oppressors. Another primary source is a tale of the experiences of foreigners during the Algerian War. I chose this primary source because it’s interesting to view their political perspectives before becoming leaders since they are portrayed as audience members. The Algerian Communist Party was originally a separate group of the French Communist Party in 1936, which contained a mix of Arab and European members (called Pied Noirs). Although the Party was banned by the French government during 1955, they would eventually ally themselves with the National Liberation Front to support the Algerian Revolution. The members’ majority of the Algerian Communist Party would go on to be subject to mass arrests, and widespread torture from the French military. The Party would contribute to the Algerian independence in 1962, however, due to a military coup by the Revolutionary Council of Algeria in 1965, the Algerian Communist Party would be dismantled.

Another primary source is a letter issued in 1957 for the Algerian public to view, from the Algerian Communist Party, solely to inform its people regarding the widespread torture and disappearances from the French army. One of its passages read, “First, because the demands of a people to its own national life is natural and legitimate. Those who think they can crush the idea of freedom through violence are mad! The Algerians will not stop fighting until they are free” (1). This demonstrates the shared spirit of determination from the Algerians, despite thousands being killed every day. The Algerians know that the French army advantages over force, however, they believe that heart will win the war. Nationalism is seen as transparent as Algerians will die in martyrdom for their country. Although mourning and hatred is a trait shown by nearly all Algerians, peace is another. Another passage claims, “All of the Algerian national organizations, without exception, have given the strictest assurances that all Algerians, without distinction of origin, will have the same rights and obligations in the Algeria of tomorrow” (1). This demonstrates nationalism as the Algerian people detest inequality, and believe that all Algerians (including settlers) are entitled to complete rights. A shared spirit of solidarity is shown, as the Algerians desire to collaborate with the Europeans, and let them know that in any outcome, they will not be abused. The Algerians even encourage the settlers to “stand with their Muslim brothers”, showing unity, and the abandoning of an Islamic theocratic society. Overall, the majority of Algerians stand for a spirit of befriending all inhabitants, and to have their children live in a triumphant society.

Miriam Makeba sings for Algeria

Another primary source is composed of tales occurring during the Algerian War told by the revolutionaries. One of the tales depicts a youth group being interrogated by French troopers with torture. After the interrogation, “their hiding place was blown out with dynamite, and they became martyrs for the cause of Algerian independence. All three knew that their sacrifice was the price of freedom”(69). Another shared spirit demonstrated by the Algerians was sacrifice. Many of the Algerians risked their lives to guarantee the freedom of their country. Their deaths fueled the Algerian revolutionaries to keep resisting France, and they would find their country, only to see it take an immense step, in exchange for their lives. Although many emblems of nationalism were shown by Algerians, foreigners were also influenced by its cause. Several unknown figures at the time would come to Algerian camps, hoping for training and support. For instance in 1969, once singer Miriam Makeba became an Algerian citizen after seeking asylum from South Africa she was “honored to have the nationality of a country that did so much for the liberation of Africa” (73). Also, a young Nelson Mandela’s experience in the Algerian army during the early 1960s taught him at times that violence is necessary only to combat oppression. Later on, he would say that the “Algerian army made him a man” and “I am Algerian too” (79).  In addition, psychiatrist Frantz Fanon was also responsible for treating the tortured Algerians during the 1950s. Soon his interest and passion for Algeria grew as “he studied its cultural life and its struggles during the revolution”(76). As a result, Frantz Fanon would join the FLN and complete its missions until his death in 1961. This shows nationalism from a foreign perspective and it also indicates that the ideology doesn’t just come solely from its inhabitants. This source also demonstrates that being a citizen to express nationalism for any nation isn’t required. The Algerian Revolution shared a spirit of positivity/praise among non-Algerians as well and led to the emergence of several revolutions in Africa as a whole. Algeria’s spirit of nationalism continues to be influential until the present day.

Algeria’s historical movement taught us that passion and determination are two major factors in achieving anything. The fact that a third-world country triumphed over a world power shows how critical the unity of people is to any society. This goes back to Renan’s definition of a nation claiming that a nation is a soul/spiritual principle that is kept alive by its people. However, Algeria’s War of Independence taught that outsiders are additionally capable of supporting justice for that nation.  People regardless of their location, who share the same objectives and admiration are all components to keeping any nation alive. It also connects to the start of how Algeria achieved a “miracle” independence from France. However, regardless of Algeria’s victory, the war’s aftermath has made Algeria rather a loser. During the postwar era, Algeria’s society and economy became turbulent due to the deaths of millions, and the overwhelming money spent. Arguably, Algeria’s state was much worse compared to the revolution and today its struggles are transparent. This shows the true size of a war’s negative impact since today it has outshined Algeria’s nationalist movement. Regarding its present-day the question is; Would Algeria be in a better position, had its revolution not occurred?

Bibliography:

“Algerian Revolution, 1954.” Teachwar, 5 June 2013, teachwar.wordpress.com/resources/war-justifications-archive/algerian-revolution-1954/. 


Charles Villet Independent Researcher (PhD. “What Mandela and Fanon Learned from Algeria’s Revolution in the 1950s.” The Conversation, 24 Sept. 2020, theconversation.com/what-mandela-and-fanon-learned-from-algerias-revolution-in-the-1950s-107736. 


 Fois, Marisa. “Algerian Nationalism: From the Origins to Algerian War of          Independence.” Oriente Moderno, vol. 97, no. 1, 2017, pp. 89–110. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/48572292. Accessed 8 May 2021.


Maisey, Robert, et al. “The Algerian Revolution Changed the World for the Better.” Jacobin, 4 Sept. 2021, http://www.jacobinmag.com/2021/04/algerian-revolution-france-colonialism.


Party, Algerian Communist. “Letter to the Europeans of Algeria.” Letter to the Europeans of Algeria by Algerian Communist Party, http://www.marxists.org/history/algeria/1957/letter-europeans.htm


Paul, Christopher. Clarke P., Clarke. Grill, Beth. Dunigan, Molly. “Algerian Independence,     1954–1962: Case Outcome: COIN Loss.” Paths to Victory: Detailed Insurgency Case Studies, RAND Corporation (2013), 75-93


Photo. “Algerian Communist Party Tract – Letter to Europeans in Algeria,…” Getty Images, http://www.gettyimages.com/detail/news-photo/algerian-communist-party-tract-letter-to-europeans-in-news-photo/152243019


Youcef, Abdeldjalil Larbi. “‘The Algerian Army Made Me a Man.’” Transition, no. 116, 2014, pp. 67–79. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2979/transition.116.67. Accessed 8 May 2021


YouTube. (2015). ▶ Miriam Makeba – Ifriqiya (Africa) Miriam sings for Algeria, in Arabic. YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7b-1cnSv2l0&t=89s. 

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